The City Wants Its Fair Share: Republican Wards Revolt Over Delegate Math
Three ward clubs storm the county Republican committee to protest an apportionment that hands the countryside outsized power — and the committee adjourns without budging an inch.
The story, cleaned up
A cleaned-up reading of the newspaper page: spelling and layout repaired, one story lifted off a crowded page. It follows the original closely but it is not a transcription. The original page is below; read it if a detail matters.
The Republican county central committee last evening heard the protests of those who object to the apportionment of delegates to the county convention, which were made vigorously and at length, but adjourned without taking action on the matter. It also adopted the formal resolution by law calling a primary election to be held on Saturday, September 1, fixing the boundaries of the districts and naming the polling places and judges of election. The meeting was held in Chairman John Arthur's office in the New York block and was protracted until after 11 o'clock.
The ball was opened with a motion by S. L. Crawford that the gentlemen who represented the protesting wards be allowed to address the committee, which prevailed. The first protest was in the shape of the resolution of the Eighth ward club, adopted on the evening of August 6, which has been already published. The First ward club sent in similar resolutions adopted on August 10, and also asked that Charles Heinee, D. M. Nickels and W. H. Gleason be named as judges of the Republican primary. The Third ward also protested against the apportionment in a communication sent in by W. A. Snyder, president of the ward club. The King County Republican Club, which was organized by the protestants, also demanded that the central committee make a reapportionment that would give the county less and the city a greater representation.
When the several protests had been read by Secretary Gordon, Col. O. O. Lyon arose and told the committee that he represented the Eighth ward club, and that the resolution presented had been passed at a meeting at which over 100 members were present by a practically unanimous vote, and that no person present had opposed its spirit. He held that it was a cardinal principle of the Republican party that there should be equal representation, and he thought the apportionment was a violation of that principle. He held that the apportionment was unfair to the city Republicans, as it gave the country a largely disproportionate representation when compared with the city. He quoted many facts and figures in support of his assertions. Though he did not question the power of the committee to fix the apportionment, he denied that it had a moral right to do so. Mr. Lyon said the custom of giving the country a larger representation than it was entitled to had its origin in a scheme to assist certain candidates.
P. Pitt Shaw, who appeared as the champion of the Third ward protestants, said his ward was not fighting candidates, but was representing, as Col. Lyon had said, the sentiments of ninety-nine one-hundredths of the Republicans of the city. In the city the apportionment as now fixed was 1 in 21, and 1 in 13 in the country.
George M. Stewart, of the county committee, asked Mr. Shaw if ninety-nine one-hundredths of the members of the Third Ward Republican Club voted in favor of the apportionment. Mr. Shaw replied that thirty-eight voted for the resolution and thirty against it.
"If the apportionment is changed," said George P. Walker, the committeeman from West Seattle, "we of the country will not get even the assessor." This brought Col. Lyon quickly to his feet with the exclamation: "That is the very thing the county committee has no right to do. It should not sectionize."
Mr. Lyon went on to state that the reason why the city secured more of the nominations than the country was that the men in the city, as a rule, were better fitted by habit, mode of thought and training to fill most of the offices than the residents of the country.
Harry C. Gordon, of the county committee, said he would take a different light in the matter, and would fight for the committee to reapportion. He said that if what was asked were granted, it would hurt the party in the country. The country Republicans did not figure with the mathematical slates of Col. Lyon and his friends, and if they were cut down in representation they would feel that they had less representation than they had two years ago, and the result would be a great deal of dissatisfaction and a consequent loss of Republican strength in the country precincts.
"You want us to protest at the primaries, then?" asked Mr. Young. "I said nothing about the primaries," replied Mr. Gordon.
"Is the apportionment which you have made right according to Republican principles?" asked Mr. Young. "As to a question of right, I think it is right under the circumstances," answered Mr. Gordon.
Capt. Snyder, P. P. Hughes, Col. Lyon and Mr. Walker kept arguing the matter pro and con for an hour, and as the hour was getting late S. L. Crawford moved that a vote of thanks be extended to the gentlemen who had so ably and so courteously laid the case before the committee. This motion was unanimously adopted, and Chairman Arthur thanked the delegation. Col. Lyon replied in fitting terms, and the protestants hied out of the hall amid the loud applause of the country committeemen.
The committee by resolution decided to hold the primaries on Saturday, September 1, and the county convention on September 4, beginning at 10 o'clock a.m. It was also decided to fix the district polling places and judges for the various wards and precincts from Boulevard and Fremont to Kent, Gilman, Star Lake and Buenna; in all other precincts the election is to be held under the caucus plan.
“"That is the very thing the county committee has no right to do. It should not sectionize."”
Then as now, the fight was over who counts: the city wards argued that a delegate formula tilted toward the countryside diluted urban voters, while rural committeemen insisted the arrangement protected them from being steamrolled. Substitute redistricting maps, city-versus-suburb representation and primary rules and the argument is instantly recognizable. What is striking is how openly the committee talked about writing the rules to help 'certain candidates.'
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