Three Hundred Republicans and a Barrel of Tariff Whisky
Seattle's First Ward Republican Club packed its South Third Street headquarters, signed up 300 members, and spent the night attacking the Havemeyer tariff bill and the Democrats who defended it.
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A rousing meeting and 300 names on the roll is the result of the first gathering of the Republicans of the First Ward Club in their headquarters, at South Third Street, last night. The hot weather evidently did not diminish the enthusiasm of the rank and file of the party, for by 8 o'clock, the time set for calling the club together, the house was well filled, and a few minutes later seats were at a premium. The meeting was called to order by Charles Webber, president. The reading of the minutes of the last meeting was dispensed with, and the attention of the audience was at once directed to the speakers. John H. Humphries said that now was a good time for the Republicans to meet and pass judgment upon Democratic rule—a fitting time to consider whether the doctrine of protection or free trade is the true doctrine. He rapidly sketched an outline of tariff legislation from the formation of the government, delineated the policy of the Republican party from its inception, and declared that it had almost made the political and business history of the country. He summed up the doctrine of protection by giving Lincoln's illustration. 'If you buy abroad your money goes out of the country, and you get only the goods; but if you buy at home you get the money and the goods and the labor that produces the goods.' The speaker drew many illustrations from the history of the tariff in this and other countries, touched upon the revenue, and severely arraigned the advocates of the single tax, saying: 'Our forefathers declared that a man should own the land from the ground to God. That afforded him a home, and ours is a government of homes. The feudal system was abolished to let every man own a home in fee simple, and now is no time to change off to an untried thing.' The fight now was a fight for the manufactory and the machine shop, and the only thing to do was to stand in line for the principle of protection and restore the government to a solid basis. S. H. Piles followed. He thought the atmosphere of the room was hot enough to do for the Democrats after death, and said that now was high time for Republicans to get together and displace the party that had broken its promises and disgraced and outraged the government. He brought home the tariff question by supposing a half dozen manufactories located in Seattle, and after extensive illustrations asked: 'Can any man hesitate on this proposition?' 'Yes!' called out a thick voice from the audience. 'If there be such let him hesitate, but he is not sensible. That man is full of pure old Democratic whisky!' The retort pleased the audience, and the speaker was greeted with vociferous applause. Continuing, he said he was opposed to trusting the government to inexperienced men. The Democrats had shown they could not run the government. The untried Populists were mostly Democrats. Mr. Piles closed with an exhortation to Republicans to go to the primaries and choose good delegates, and then go to the polls and vote. W. E. Humphrey referred to the party leaders who 'perform such tricks before high heaven as make the angels weep,' and then attacked the Wilson bill in scathing terms, speaking of it as the monstrosity that will be forever known and stigmatized as the Havemeyer tariff bill. He said in substance: 'It is an heir worthy of its ancestry. This abortive, misshapen, unowned child is even repudiated by the Democrats. It is denounced by the house, apologized for by the senate, and condemned by the president. This monstrous child of betrayal, avarice and greed will on next Friday be untimely born, with no one to father it. At its birth no congratulations will be received. Even Grover Cleveland has fled, refusing to sign the certificate of its legitimacy. Much is this monstrosity of sin and corruption, the latest, and, it is to be hoped, the last heir of Democracy in all its hideousness and deformity. This is the fulfillment and culmination of all the promises and pledges made by that party to the people. They have been recreant to every trust, betrayed every confidence and been false to every promise. They have proven incompetent, corrupt and unpatriotic. This present administration at the coming election will be condemned and repudiated by such a majority that all the sugar of the sugar trust cannot sweeten its accursed memory.' Corporation Counsel Scott followed. When the chairman announced his name he hesitated on the 'counsel' and the audience understood it 'scoundrel,' to the great amusement of Mr. Scott and all present. He said that the Democratic party was not the friend of labor because its foundations rested on slavery, for the South wanted labor cheap, while the Republican party had laid broader foundation stones and wanted labor high. He considered Populism a fifth wheel to the Democratic wagon. Referring to Cleveland and the Wilson bill he said: 'What did the senators say when that bill came before them after the president wrote his letter? Did they stand up like men? No. They compromised with thieves and robbers and gave Havemeyer a bonus of millions, which laboring men must pay before they can sweeten their coffee.' E. P. Dole told a funny story, after which, on motion of Dr. A. P. Mitten, a recess was taken in order to allow those present to sign the roll, which they did to the number of 300. Among the prominent Republicans present were: Dr. A. P. Mitten, E. P. Dole, Thomas W. Gordon, W. J. Caldwell, Frank B. Wiestling and T. J. [illegible]. The officers of the club are: Charles Webber, president; C. F. Reuze, vice president; G. Otley, secretary; Dr. A. P. Mitten, treasurer. The club adjourned to meet next Monday evening at 8 o'clock.
“That man is full of pure old Democratic whisky!”
The club's tariff speeches show how national economic policy once filled Seattle meeting halls. The same language of 'rings,' 'trusts,' and 'pure politics' still surfaces in local campaigns, even as the party labels and issues have shifted.
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