The Party Says Not Guilty—and Cheers the Man It Removed
Seattle Democrats put their scandal-scarred administration on trial at Haake's Hall, buried a First Ward delegate fight, and sent David E. Durie into the mayor's race while J.M. Wolfe got the ovation.
The story, cleaned up
A cleaned-up reading of the newspaper page: spelling and layout repaired, one story lifted off a crowded page. It follows the original closely but it is not a transcription. The original page is below; read it if a detail matters.
The Democratic party of the city of Seattle came into the dock yesterday and pleaded “not guilty” to the indictment brought against it by public opinion. Its orators at the city convention at Haake's Hall demurred to the indictment, disclaimed responsibility for the infamous acts of its administration, repudiated Krug, idolized Wolfe, but nominated Durie, and asked the despoiled, swindled public to again trust them with power they have so long misused. The hero of the day was Wolfe, whose only reward for becoming a martyr to the party was cheers. Taxpayers and the few Democrats present who desired an honest, fearless, conservative administration of public affairs stood aghast to see the tremendous ovation given to the man who was removed from office for peculation, extravagance and waste of public funds. Donworth was coldly praised, while Wolfe was cheered to the echo. If the party managers had not the courage to choose for their leader the man who raised the scene, by promises of future reward and other chances to dip his strong arm into the public treasury he was induced to let a colder man take his place at the head of the party.
In calling the convention together C. G. Heifner, chairman of the city central committee, alluded to the fighting factions from the First ward by saying that the wheels of the convention had not been so well greased as those held a few days ago. The first delegates to arrive were those so shamefully bulldozed last Saturday night by Statesman Considine, Committeeman Lane and their crowd of heelers. Deputy United States Marshal Walter, William McArdle, Jack Daulton and their twenty-nine associates took the seats reserved for the First ward delegation and held them, and when Considine and his friends arrived they were very wrathy. It began to be evident that a bitter fight was on hand, and the leaders of the party were besought by both sides to espouse their cause. Considine, Delegate Drew, Attorney DeBow and Committeeman Lane hunted up Colonels Crews and Wilson and gave it out cold that the other fellows must be fired.
When Heifner called for nominations for temporary chairman, John Fairfield nominated Will H. Thompson, the attorney for Wolfe and Cochran, the removed members of the board of public works. Thompson delivered a very long speech in defense of the Democratic administration. It was altogether of a negative character, and he evidently felt that he was defending an arraigned criminal, for his whole argument was to the effect that the indictment brought against the Democratic party by public opinion had not been sustained by the evidence brought out by the prosecution. In justification of the looting of the city treasury and the squandering of the public revenues he pleaded that the money had been spent in the city and was now in the pockets of the people. He made an argument to show that for her bonded debt the city had property or permanent improvements worth nearly as much. He paid his respects to the Citizens' League, whose orators proclaimed that municipal affairs should be conducted on the same principles as business corporations, and said that more than one third of the business corporations of the city were in the hands of receivers. He defended the water works, police, fire and comptroller's departments, but gave up the attempt to answer seriatim all the charges against the Democratic party.
Col. Boyd, the newly arrived Kentucky colonel, made the cold chills run over the crowd as he boldly denied that honesty was not the best policy. He advised the convention to throw aside all policy in its work and said: “You are the chosen representatives of the people; you are their trusted servants, and they will hold you to a strict accountability for your trust.” Judge Lichtenberg demurred to the indictment. He denied that the Democratic party was in a hole, but if it was, it was a mighty big hole and the Democrats had filled it and were running over. He asked what the Democrats had done to be ashamed of. Had not every pledge, except those of the candidates, been fulfilled? If one or two of the Democratic administration had proved faithless, that was no reason for saying the party was unworthy. He cited the fact that New York bankers had faith enough in Seattle's future to buy her bonds. He wanted the distinction kept in mind between individual dishonesty and party dishonesty. Such corruption as there was should be laid at the door of the Republicans who had been kept in office, Van Brocklin and Engineer Thomson. He denied that the party was responsible for the defalcation of City Treasurer Krug; if it was, the Republican party was responsible for Antes, Parker and Hill.
George Donworth came forward in answer to repeated calls and declared that the present administration was the best the city had ever had. It had inaugurated the principle of living within the city's income. If the party had done any wrong it had a precedent in previous administrations; for everything right it had done it had laid the foundation. He also devoted himself to the popular indictment against the party. It had been said that wreckers were in charge of the Democratic party and that it was not fit to rule. He wanted to know what the present administration should be compared with—the one two years ago or the present one in Tacoma. In closing he never cracked a smile while declaring that on March 6 the people would say to the Democratic party, “Well done, good and faithful servant.”
At this juncture the committee on credentials was ready to report. There had been a two hours' wrangle. Deputy United States Marshal Walter, William McArdle and others of the contesting delegation from the First ward presented a large number of typewritten affidavits setting forth the outrageous treatment they had been subjected to at the hands of the Considine crowd during the primary, when none but Considine's heelers were allowed to vote and the preposterous number of over 300 votes was cast within two hours. For the Considine crowd John Collins sent his lawyer, Crews, to plead, and so powerful were his representations, supplemented by Considine's threats, that the majority of the committee finally decided to seat the bulldozers. The majority report was signed by Blakistone, Collins, Warner, Ryan and Murray; the minority report, in favor of seating the contesting delegation, was signed by Chairman Bennett, Nixon and Campbell. Gen. Turner moved to adopt the majority report, and to the surprise of the entire convention no objection was made. The fight had been compromised by the Considine crowd agreeing to nominate Terence O'Brien for delegate to succeed Drew. When the result was announced O'Brien and his colleagues arose and left the hall declaring that they were Democrats still.
When nominations for mayor were declared in order George Donworth came to the front and named David E. Durie. B. F. DeBow named J. M. Wolfe, a man whom the party loved for the enemies he had made and who had erected a monument to his memory in the Front street sewer—fearless, courageous. The mention of Wolfe's name was the signal for prolonged applause, evoking far more enthusiasm than did that of Durie. Will H. Thompson set himself to work to cool the Wolfe ardor. He said they were not there to reward friends or pay debts. He didn't want to make invidious comparisons, but the party needed to win over thinking men, and Durie was the best man for that. It made his heart ache lest Wolfe should think he was deserting him now. But his love for Wolfe because of the enemies he had made did not blind him to the fact that he would not do as well as Durie. Samuel Kelleher also appealed to the delegates not to let their enthusiasm for Wolfe carry them away. C. G. Heifner said the delegates from the Ninth ward had come to the convention to support Wolfe, who he knew could be nominated. He declared that all the speeches made by the orators during the day had only been heaping encomiums upon Wolfe, who up to two weeks ago had been criticized with every art of the present administration. Because he had put Democrats to the front and had refused to submit to the dictate of a man who two years ago had stood there as the party's candidate, but had also proven a traitor to his party, he had been removed. He was put out of office by a man who had sold his birthright for a mess of pottage. Wolfe could be nominated, but he had yielded to the advice of the counselors of the party by withdrawing. Three cheers for Wolfe were given, and Durie was nominated by acclamation.
Gen. Turner nominated Alfred Battle for corporation counsel, and he was seconded by Daniel Kelleher. Battle was named by acclamation. Gen. G. S. Meany nominated P. P. Padden for treasurer, saying he was a pioneer, and it went by acclamation. Dr. E. G. Johnson named William H. Middleton for clerk, and the nomination was made by acclamation. For fire commissioners E. E. Caine, Gus C. Palmleaf and H. F. Heiss were nominated; Palmleaf, Caine and Heiss were voted on, with Heiss receiving 20 votes.
Mr. Durie appeared and said he was a plain man of few words, but that only one of the other nominees for mayor was a speechmaker—and he was a Prohibitionist. He had intended to say something, but Thompson had said all in defense of the party that could be said. As for promises, he would be chary. The platform declared allegiance to the national Democracy, denounced the Republican press for blaming the depression on Cleveland, defended the city's credit, commended the administration for giving work to the unemployed on sewers and tunnels, promised a new charter, warned against the Republican ticket as the emanation of the same ring repudiated two years ago, and asked the cooperation of “all good citizens, regardless of race or color.” The convention adjourned at 6 o'clock.
“There is no time now for rivalry or discord. The fight is on. He that is not for us is against us.”
The 1894 convention is a familiar civic scene: a party accused of looting the treasury defends itself by pointing to wages and public works, blames the press, and asks voters for another term. The fight over audits, contracts and who gets credit—or blame—for city spending is still the stuff of Seattle elections.
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